RESUMO A Convenção das Nações Unidas sobre Mudanças Climáticas se reúne novamente em Bonn, no outono, para a COP23 com Fiji como anfitrião. O foco deve estar no GOAL II no COP21: descarbonização com 30-40 por cento dos níveis de 2005 até 2030. Vários países agora cumprem a meta de suspender o aumento das emissões de CO2. E o resto deve ser solicitado e ajudado a fazê-lo. Mas o GOAL II é um desafio muito grande. Só pode ser realizado com investimentos maciços em parques de painéis solares.

ABSTRACT The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change met again in Bonn for the COP23 in the fall with Fiji as host, the focus should have been upon the GOAL II in the COP21 Treaty: decarbonisation with 30-40 per cent of 2005 levels until 2030. Several countries now meet the GOAL I of halting the rise in CO2 emissions. And the rest should be asked and helped to do so. But the GOAL II is a very big challenge. It can only be fulfilled with massive investments in solar panel parks.

In order to halt the depletion of global ecological capital, a number of different kinds of meetings between Governments of countries in the world has been scheduled. The need for global coordination of environmental policies has become ever more obvious, supported by more and more evidence of the running down of ecological capital. But there are no formal or binding arrangements in sight, as global environmental coordination suffers from high transaction costs (qualitative voting). The CO2 equivalent emissions, resulting in global warming, are driven by the unstoppable economic expansion in the global market economy, employing mainly fossil fuel generated energy, although at the same time lifting sharply the GDP per capita of several emerging countries. Only global environmental coordination on the successful model of the World Band and the IMF (quantitative voting) can stem the rising emissions numbers and stop further environmental degradation. However, the system of weighted voting in the WB and the IMF must be reformed by reducing the excessive voting power disparities, for instance by reducing all member country votes by the cube root expression.

The attitudes towards gender and homosexuality tend to be linked at the micro level (individuals), which explains the political saliency of this newly emerging cleavage. At the macro level (country), the main finding is that the value orientations towards gender and homosexuality are strongly embedded in the basic cultural or civilisation differences among countries. As developing countries modernise and enter post-modernity, they will also experience the gender cleavage, especially when they adhere to an individualistic culture. Cultural cleavages in the post-modern society, whether in rich or developing countries, can only be properly researched by the survey method. It opens up a large area for both micro and macro analyses in the social sciences.

RESUMO O comunitarismo oferece uma justificativa para a crescente relevância das comunidades. Sua questão-chave é também aquela que a globalização torna altamente relevante, a saber: quem somos nós? Que modo de vida desejamos apoiar? O comunitarismo sublinha a política de respeito mútuo como a reação adequada do Estado democrático ao multiculturalismo. Tal política de respeito mútuo seria verdadeiramente global. O paradoxo da globalização é que ela tanto torna a política comunitária mais saliente quanto exige, ao mesmo tempo, uma política de respeito mútuo que possa reduzir os conflitos étnicos e religiosos. A globalização aumenta a busca pela identidade comunitária. No entanto, uma política de respeito mútuo pode reduzir conflitos entre comunidades e aumentar o respeito global por diferentes culturas, onde diferentes civilizações aceitam um núcleo comum de instituições.

ABSTRACT Communitarianism offers a rationale for the growing relevance of communities. Its key question is also the one that globalisation makes highly relevant, namely: Who are we? What way of life do we wish to support? Communitarianism underlines the politics of mutual respect as the democratic state’s proper reaction to multiculturalism. Such a politics of mutual respect would be truly global. The paradox of globalisation is that it both makes communal politics more salient while it at the same time calls for a politics of mutual respect which may reduce ethnic and religious conflict. Globalisation increases the search for communal identity. However, a politics of mutual respect may reduce conflicts between communities and enhance global respect for different cultures, where different civilisations accept a common core of institutions.